ΣΤΗΝ ΦΘΙΝΟΠΩΡΙΝΗ ΛΗΜΝΟ ΣΤΟ ΚΑΦΕ 'ΚΑΘ ΟΔΟΝ'ΤΗΣ ΒΙΚΥΣ
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ΣΤΗΝ ΦΘΙΝΟΠΩΡΙΝΗ ΛΗΜΝΟ. ΤΟ ΚΑΜΠΑΝΑΡΙΟ ΤΟΥ ΑΗ ΝΙΚΟΛΑ
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ΣΤΗΝ ΦΙΝΟΠΩΡΙΝΗ ΛΗΜΝΟ
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ΣΤΗΝ ΦΘΙΝΟΠΩΡΙΝΗ ΛΗΜΝΟ. ΣΤΟ ΜΠΑΡ-ΚΑΦΕ 'ΙΣΑΛΟΣ'
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Article 8
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Article 7
Έτσι χάθηκε η πτήση ΜΗ370: Οι συγκλονιστικές στιγμές πριν συντριβεί στη θάλασσα
Καταδικασμένη σε μία "βουτιά θανάτου"ήταν η μοιραία πτήση σύμφωνα με τους ειδικούς, που επιχειρούν να ρίξουν φως σε μία από τις μεγαλύτερες αεροπορικές τραγωδίες με ένα συγκλονιστικό βίντεο για τις ανάγκες ενός ντοκιμαντέρ.
Κόβουν την ανάσα οι εικόνες ενός νέο βίντεο προσομοίωσης που δημιούργησε το National Geographic επιχειρώντας να ρίξει φως στον τρόπο με τον οποία χάθηκε η πτήση MH370 των Μαλαισιανών Αερογραμμών συμπαρασύροντας στο θάνατο 249 ανθρώπους.
Μπορεί να έχουν περάσει περισσότερα από τέσσερα χρόνια από την 8η Μαρτίου 2014, οπότε και εξαφανίστηκε από τα ραντάρ η πτήση MH370 που εκτελούσε το δρομολόγιο Κουάλα Λουμπούρ - Πεκίνο, τα ερωτήματα για την πτώση της παραμένουν ωστόσο αναπάντητα. Ούτε τα συντρίμμια που βρέθηκαν, ούτε η διεθνής συνεργασία για τον εντοπισμό της, ούτε οι ατελείωτες έρευνες των ειδικών στάθηκαν ικανές να ρίξουν φως στην τραγωδία.
Αυτό επιχειρεί να κάνει το νέο ντοκιμαντέρ της σειράς "Drain the oceans"του National Geographic που θα προβληθεί αυτή την εβδομάδα. Σύμφωνα με τους ειδικούς, αφού το Boeing 777 έμεινε από καύσιμα, σταμάτησε να λειτουργεί ο δεξιός κινητήρας. Λίγα λεπτά αργότερα, σταμάτησε και η λειτουργία του αριστερού, με την πλοήγηση του αεροσκάφους να είναι πλέον αδύνατη. Η "βουτιά θανάτου"για την μοιραία πτήση ύστερα από ένα εφιαλτικό σπιράλ στον αέρα ήταν πλέον μονόδρομος και η συντριβή στον απέραντο Ινδικό Ωκεανό αναπόφευκτη.
Καμία από τις απαντήσεις που έχουν δοθεί μέχρι σήμερα, δεν μοιάζει ωστόσο ικανή να απαλύνει τον πόνο των συγγενών, οι οποίοι κατηγορούν τους υπεύθυνους για συγκάλυψη. Στο πλαίσιο αυτό έχουν δημιουργήσει την ομάδα "Voice 370", καταγγέλλοντας τόσο την κυβέρνηση της Μαλαισίας όσο και την Boeing για απόκρυψη στοιχείων. Για τους ίδιους, όλα τα σενάρια που απορρίφθηκαν από τα πορίσματα των ερευνών παραμένουν ανοιχτά: Από την αεροπειρατεία και την αυτοκτονία του πιλότου, μέχρι τυχόν λάθος χειρισμούς των ελεγκτών εναέριας κυκλοφορίας...
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Article 6
The Restoration of
South Africa’s
Rain Queen
A teenager will become the country’s first
tribal queen in almost 50 years.
Masalanabo Modjadji was three months old when her mother died. In that moment, she ascended to the throne of the Balobedu, a tribe in South Africa’s northern Limpopo province that is the country’s only queendom. Modjadji currently lives near Johannesburg as a (relatively) normal 13-year-old. When she turns 18, however, she will officially be crowned Queen Modjadji VII, the “Rain Queen,” the latest in a line that’s believed to bring rain to a parched country.
Modjadji’s reign will be different than those of her three immediate predecessors, who were queens in name only after the apartheid regime demoted them to chieftain status in 1972. Two years ago, former President Jacob Zuma changed things back, and made the Balobedu one of the handful of tribal monarchies officially recognized by the South African state. When she comes of age, Modjadji will rule at the same level as the powerful Zulu and Xhosa kings. Though they oversee much larger kingdoms, she will still hold influence over more than 100 villages, and receive a healthy government paycheck.
In April, Zuma and his successor, Cyril Ramaphosa, traveled north for a celebration of Modjadji’s restoration. They sat on either side of the male regent who currently rules in her stead and the queen-in-waiting herself—slightly hunched, with her arms folded across a bright yellow dress and a beaded band ringing her head.
“They gave her title back because she is the one who makes it rain,” says local resident Alpheus Ranatapa on a hot, dry morning in early September. “We were happy. Ramaphosa came here to restore our tradition.”
Sehlakong, the administrative capital and principal village of Modjadji’s realm, is perched on the north-facing slope of the Modjadji Nature Reserve, a mountain forest known internationally for its population of rare cycad trees. Shorter ones resemble giant, top-heavy pineapples, while taller, thinner ones look more like squat palms. Clumps of these old, hardy trees sprout vertiginously off the ridge that forms the spine of the reserve. A valley studded with settlements rolls away from the mountain to the south, while to the east, mountains stack one behind the other until they gently fade to blue.
The landscape, extending through Kruger National Park and Mozambique to the east, is just emerging from a dry winter, and bushfires recently scorched the scrub. Many of the cycad trunks are covered in a sooty deposit that comes off on your clothes as you brush past. According to locals, helicopters had to douse the mountain with water a few weeks back. It is a place where rain is life, and remains the source of Modjadji’s ancestral power.
A common origin story holds that the Balobedu settled in the area about 400 years ago, after migrating south from present-day Zimbabwe. The tribe was ruled then by men, and competition for succession was fierce and fratricidal. Claiming prophetic guidance, the last Balobedu king, it is said, impregnated his daughter to start a line of female leaders.
In the years after Modjadji I’s inauguration, around 1800, the Balobedu were a small and largely peaceful tribe. Lacking military power, Modjadji I governed instead through the politics of mystique. “All over southern Africa, chiefs had official rainmakers. The power of the chief and the power of the rainmaker were separate. But in Modjadji, they were combined,” says Isak Niehaus, a social anthropologist from the Western Cape who is now at Brunel University in London. Powerful rivals, such as the Zulu king, Shaka, didn’t attack the Balobedu. Instead, their emissaries went before Modjadji to ask for rain.
Modjadji I and II ruled unimpeded through most of the 19th century. Each October, the queen asked for rain through traditional rituals. She took “wives” from surrounding tribes, who were then paired off with royal men, which helped build alliances, Niehaus says. According to Balobedu tradition, each holder of the title was fated to commit suicide by poison at the end of her reign—but the Rain Queen herself was held to be immortal.
The Rain Queen also was not to show her face in public, even to her subjects, which led to a great deal of speculation when Europeans colonists began to arrive. In the 1880s, H. Rider Haggard, the British author of King Solomon’s Mines, brought the notion of an African queendom to an international audience with the novel She: A History of Adventure—with, in classic Victorian fashion, a white sorceress ruling over a “Lost World.” Historical records suggest at least one of the early Rain Queens may indeed have been light-skinned, but such accounts should be taken with a healthy pinch of salt: European settlers probably met with surrogates instead, and perhaps for good reason.
“There was some defiance from our people [to] paying tax. Our people became afraid that if we present the queen to them they may kill her, because that was the time when [neighboring ruler] King Makgoba was beheaded,” says Moshakge Molokwane, the royal council secretary and a cousin of Modjadji. “So they presented an old woman and said it was the queen.”
Northern Limpopo was among the last places in modern-day South Africa to be occupied by Boer settlers coming up from the Cape. Although missionaries and a handful of settlers arrived in the region earlier, things came to a head in the 1890s, when Boer authorities started to parcel tribal land into farms. Uncharacteristically, the Balobedu were among the first tribes to fight back, but the resistance was swiftly and harshly put down by the white authorities. Modjadji II followed custom and committed ritual suicide. She was the last Rain Queen to do so.
Modjadji’s political power continued to derive from the rain she was associated with, which fell on her neighbors’ soil as much as her own, even as successive colonial administrators stripped land from tribes, and regulated the use of their remaining forests and fields. Although groups such as the Balobedu are ethnically diverse, settler administrators—followed, from 1948, by the apartheid regime—aimed to lump them into homogenous, self-governing areas. In 1972, the Balobedu were folded into the Lebowa “homeland,” and Modjadji IV was officially relegated from queen to chief.
After apartheid ended in the 1990s, Nelson Mandela’s African National Congress (ANC) took power at the head of a new constitutional democracy. The ANC saw traditional tribal leaders as repositories of votes and legitimacy—local power-brokers with influence and tangible roots in the precolonial past—according to a report from the Centre for Civil Society, University of KwaZulu Natal. President Mandela personally courted Modjadji V and other tribal leaders. When Modjadji VI died in 2005, after serving for just two years, Mandela’s successor, Thabo Mbeki, called her “a symbol of hope and unity,” according to The New York Times. (Modjadji VI, who doctors say died of chronic meningitis at just 27, was a figure both beloved and divisive, and she bucked many of the traditions associated with her position. One branch of the royal family still insists that her daughter, Modjadji VII, should not be permitted to take the throne.)
In 2004, the government launched a commission to attempt to unwind the tangle of competing leadership claims left by colonial and apartheid-era policies, and determine which leaders should have what status. Progress was slow and hotly contested, including in court, but the restoration of Modjadji’s queenship was one outcome. Although she has not yet taken power, the judgment is already steering over five million South African rands (about $330,000) a year through the coffers of the regent and royal council, as well as paying Modjadji’s way through school.
In a parking lot in Sehlakong, the royal council secretary Molokwane—who is known as “Ball Pen,” a moniker dating to his days as a schoolteacher—expresses hope that the restoration of the crown will reinforce Modjadji’s dominion over neighboring tribal chiefs. These leaders, he says, had been installed by white administrators on land that Modjadji traditionally oversaw. “We’re not going to threaten their status as senior traditional leaders,” he says. “They should just know that they are the subjects of Queen Modjadji.”
Separately, Molokwane says the restoration has given the Balobedu the ear of the government in South Africa’s bitter, complex debate over expropriating land from white farmers and giving it to black owners as a form of restitution and to address racial disparities that have persisted since apartheid. Local leaders pressed their claims on President Ramaphosa during his April visit, and have listed nearly 250 local farms that they see as their rightful property. No one knows if these wishes will be granted, but controversy is sure to continue.
The fate of the land may not be determined by the time Modjadji VII officially takes her crown, but the restoration of the Rain Queen has been significant for the Balobedu—both financially and symbolically. “The prestige was always there,” Molokwane says. “But we can now say we’re at an equal footing with the king of the Zulus.”
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Article 5
Why Helicopters Are
Flying Mountain Goats
Over Washington State
The salt-loving, tourist-stalking goats of Olympic
National Park are moving out.
ON A RECENT TUESDAY IN Olympic National Park, the clear blue skies of Washington State were interrupted by a series of white, fluffy objects. Some of them were clouds, yes. But three of them were mountain goats, flying through the air. The huge, shaggy creatures were suspended in orange slings, wearing blindfolds that fit snugly beneath their horns. They were dangling vertically from a helicopter, like a string of peppers hung out to cure.
Olympic National Park—a 1442-square-mile expanse of mountains, meadows, and old-growth forest—is the rightful home of dozens of creatures. Spotted owls nest in its trees. Black bears trundle through its fields. Mazama pocket gophers burrow into its soils, and Roosevelt elk munch on its shrubs.
But it is not the rightful home of the mountain goat. At least, so say park officials, who have been trying to get rid of the goats—an introduced species—for decades. Last week, in collaboration with the USDA Forest Service and the Washington Department of Fish and Wildlife, they began their latest, and most ambitious, removal effort.
If all goes well, over the next couple of years, hundreds of mountain goats will travel by helicopter and truck from Olympic National Park to the North Cascade Mountains, about 150 miles east. (There’s a naturally occurring goat population in the Cascades, and the hope is that these newcomers will bolster it.) Eventually, goats that are too hard to capture will be killed. “The goal is to get to a zero population level,” says park spokesperson Penny Wagner.
Until about 1925, there were zero mountain goats on the Olympic Peninsula. The first four came to the area in 1925, brought over from British Columbia as game for local hunters. Over the next few years, these were joined by seven or eight more, this time shipped in from Alaska. While hunters did kill a fair number, the frisky goats outpaced them. By the early 1980s, this herd of a dozen had grown to 1,175.
Goats will be goats, wherever they are, and these ones have caused some trouble. They’ve trampled plants, including imperiled species like the cotton’s milkvetch, a flowering legume found only in Washington State. While wallowing—a common mammalian pastime that involves rolling around in the dirt—they’ve disturbed archaeological sites. (Once, according to a National Park Services report, these goaty gyrations “resulted in previously unknown archaeological resources being unearthed.”)
Not least, they tend to stalk tourists. Sodium and similar minerals make up a vital part of the ungulate diet, but Olympic National Park lacks natural salt licks. Though goats have been known to travel many miles for a fix, it’s much easier to just follow humans, who, thanks to our constant production of sweat and urine, are practically saltshakers.
After years of coexisting with people, the park’s goats have no qualms about interrupting a bathroom break, or chewing the armpits of exercise clothes left to air out near a campsite. “They’ve lost that normal wariness,” says Wagner. Legend has it that, while resting during a long hike, former superintendent Bob Chandler opened his eyes to find his scalp being tongued by a brazen billy.
Such close encounters can be dangerous. In 1999, a group of picnickers on top of Mount Ellinor caught the attention of a salt-hungry goat, who stabbed one of them in the leg with his horn. And in 2010, a hiker was fatally gored after a goat followed him for about a mile. (Soon after, park officials asked visitors to stop peeing alongside trails “in areas of high goat use,” and there is also an extensive “Goats And Your Safety” section on the park website.)
The tourists certainly aren’t going to leave the park. Neither are the plants or the archaeological treasures. And so for years, officials have focused on getting out the goats. The 1980s and ’90s saw several different attempts: From 1988 to 1989, “goats were darted, sling-loaded and packed in snow and cocktail ice for road trips to areas where they would not be considered an “unwelcome addition,’” writes Helen Carolyn Wagenvoord in a 1995 report. (Because they’re mountain goats, they prefer refrigerated transport.)
But some goats were very difficult to capture—after all, they can scale cliffs—and the attempts proved dangerous for everyone. Officials ended up abandoning the efforts before they were complete. Thanks to pushback from the public, and from animal rights groups, they decided not to move on to lethal removal.
By the time summer 2018 came around, the tide had shifted. The Final Mountain Goat Management Plan privileges relocation until “a point of diminishing returns” is reached. After that, lethal removal will begin. Although civilians expressed some concerns, “public meetings were hardly boisterous affairs, and major conservation organizations, biologists and other government agencies have supported the park’s efforts,” writes Evan Bush, who covers the mountain goat beat for the Seattle Times. (Wagner chalks this up to inter-agency collaboration, as well as the 2010 goring, which she says may have driven home “the reality of the situation.”)
The translocation stage started on Monday, September 10. As Bush reports, teams in helicopters track down goats in the park and shoot them with sedative-loaded darts or net guns. Next, “a handler known as a mugger jump[s] from the helicopter, calm[s] the animals and attache[s] them to a sling,” Bush writes.
The blindfolded, dangling goats are flown to a clearing and lowered into a flatbed truck. While the use of helicopters may seem overly dramatic, they’re actually a common wildlife transport tool: Over the past few years, copters have relocated bighorn sheep to their native ranges in Oregon, brought rehabilitated grizzly cubs back into the wild, and ferried endangered black rhinos in South Africa from a poaching-heavy area to a protected reserve.
By this past Monday, September 17, 62 goats had been captured, despite weekend rains that hampered the operation, says Wagner. After their helicopter trip, they get driven to a staging area, where they’re checked out by a team of veterinarians.
They take a six-hour truck ride to the North Cascades, and stay overnight in another staging area. After that, they’re set free, guided through a corral of temporary fencing into the wilderness beyond. “The goal is to have them released within 24 hours,” she says. “As quickly and efficiently as possible, to minimize the impact of the whole deal.” Translocation will stop this coming Friday, and start again sometime in 2019.
In videos, the released goats stumble a bit. Some get stuck on shrubs. A few are reluctant to leave their crates. (Fish and Wildlife workers encourage them, saying “c’mon, boy.”) They now have a new job: helping to increase the population in the Cascades, where they actually are native. This will bring with it new challenges, including natural predators like cougars and golden eagles, not to mention those old nemeses, human hunters. But for now, they’re probably just happy to be back on the ground.
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Article 4
IN 1933, RIDING ON THE back of a second-rate horse, it took the late anthropologist Ralph L. Beals two full days to reach the Mixe town of Ayutla from the Central Valleys of Oaxaca in Mexico—a distance of approximately 90 miles. As he twisted his way up the precipitous hills, Beals found towns clinging to the mountains, sitting among the clouds. At the time, he was among a handful of outsiders allowed within Mixe territory, located on the northeastern highlands of the Sierra Norte.
Even today, when it’s only a four-hour drive from Oaxaca City, visiting this land proves nearly as difficult. But these remote towns are the birthplace of—and one of the only places that grow—a prized culinary product: the chile pasilla Mixe.
While the pasilla has been a staple of Oaxacan gastronomy for at least a century, it’s appeared in the menus of high-end restaurants in New York City, Los Angeles, and Mexico City only in the past decade. Several types of pasillas grow throughout Mexico, but they vary in fragrance, flavor, and purpose. The Oaxacan pasilla is regarded as very high quality, a fact reflected by its price tag: around 300 pesos ($16) in Oaxaca City, and $40 to $60 for a pound in the United States. In her book, Peppers of the Americas, chef and food historian Maricel Presilla describes it as “one of the finest smoke-dried Mexican peppers.” But even motivated chefs with deep pockets can struggle to get their hands on one. The area is simply too remote and production is low and dwindling.
In 2011, that fact was on the mind of Julián Mateo Isidro as he returned home after five years of studying to become an agricultural engineer. As he made the long trip back home to the Mixe region, he felt eager to share agricultural innovations. “While I was away, I saw how people in other states establish profitable crops and make business,” Isidro says, “and it made me wonder why the people in my town didn’t.”
Isidro’s main concern was the chile pasilla, which is endemic to the Sierra Mixe. His neighbors were ditching the labor-intensive chile in favor of crops such as coffee, and he worried that their tradition of growing it was slowly dying out.
AS IS THE CASE WITH many past anthropologists, Beals was interested in the exotic—the rituals, the sacrifices—and sought a culture untainted by colonization and other foreign influences. With Mixes, he got close. Their chosen name (rather than the ones imposed by Spanish conquistadors or the Aztec Empire) is Ayüükjä’äy, or “people who speak the mountain language.” Their name is as poetic as it is descriptive of their geographical location and spiritual beliefs, and their culture bears a striking resemblance to their secluded surroundings. They are reserved, and outsiders who enter their land are subject to extensive interrogation and may not be allowed to stay.
During their long isolation, the chile pasilla has been an essential part of their culture. Isidro’s family—and a significant portion of his town’s approximately 3,000 inhabitants—have harvested and cooked with it for generations. “It’s what gives our food its traditional flavor,” he says. “It cannot be substituted with other chiles, because the pasilla flavor is incomparable.”
Fresh, pasillas are generally known as chilacas but, in the Sierra Mixe, no matter the stage, they are simply called pasillas. As they mature, the chiles change from bright green to burnt orange and, lastly, to an almost black, deep red. Once they reach the final stage of maturity, they are harvested and smoke-dried with oak, which adds a deep, meaty taste and results in wrinkly, burgundy chiles that are smoky and spicy, and whose heat is felt at the throat. While the chiles are grown in various towns throughout the region, its birthplace and original producers are found in two of the 19 Mixe towns: Santa María Alotepec and Santiago Atitlán, which is Isidro’s hometown.
Since it would be impossible for a few small towns to supply the whole market demand, people outside of the Sierra Mixe have started growing it and lying about its origins. Because of this, locals preciously guard fresh pasillas, which cannot be found outside of Mixe territory, as they fear others will plant the seeds. Even if you were to visit, no Mixe would sell a fresh pasilla to an outsider. As you walk the roads and streets, and browse the market aisles, they will stop you abruptly and ask what you are doing there.
GETTING A UNIVERSITY DEGREE IS an extremely rare achievement in Atlitán. According to census information from the Mexican National Institute of Statistics and Geography, 18% of Atitlán’s population has no education at all, while 72% receives only a sixth grade education. Isidro says few Mixe farmers think about market demands and production methods, so they have to sell their crops for cheap. To do more than just subsist—and avoid being one of the young people leaving for better jobs elsewhere—he felt he needed academic training.
Once back in Atlitán, Isidro returned to his family home and their fields, but he also wanted his town to prosper. He went house to house and field to field, asking pasilla producers to join him in using techniques he’d learned. He knew most farmers wouldn’t be able to pay him for his help, at least at first, but he says he wanted to help his people, whom he describes as “so kind and noble that even when they don’t have food for themselves they’ll offer a handmade tortilla.”
One of his first suggestions was to use an organic treatment on the seeds. The farmers didn’t make any investments, Isidro says, beyond giving the crops “their blessing,” as they would joke. At a cost of 600 pesos ($32) for a 2.5-acre farm, Isidro told farmers, the treatment could reduce the amount of the chile crop lost to disease (an endemic problem due to the area’s engulfing rains) from 50 percent to 10 percent.
But the producers, most of whom are in their forties and fifties, distrusted this foreign information and dismissed Isidro as young and naive. “I found a lot of resistance to change and innovation,” Isidro says. Only a few farmers joined him.
Faced with what seemed like puzzling resistance, Isidro called a meeting, which he announced through a megaphone in the town square. (Residents then spread the word.) He showed up early and waited until around 20 producers gathered in a public courtyard outside of the local school. He spoke first and made his case for using new methods. But a respected farmer named Marciano, who was particularly skeptical, said he didn’t see the point of investing in the production of a difficult crop that was only marginally profitable. (The pasilla fields are on steep slopes two hours outside of town, and they require 120 full working days plus another three of tending a fire day and night while smoking the chiles in caves.) Others left without saying a word.
After the meeting, Isidro realized the farmers were unaware of the chile’s value. Most Ayüükjä’äys had never been beyond the Sierra Mixe, and they sold their chiles for only two pesos (less than 25 cents) per pound. When he told them that two pounds of large pasillas went for 250 pesos ($13) at the main market in Oaxaca City, they didn’t believe it. Impossible! they responded. Who would pay that much for it?
ISIDRO HAD WORKED THE PASILLA fields his whole life, but he had little experience selling chiles. He soon learned that intermediaries—from Oaxaca City, neighboring Mitla (an indigenous Zapotec village), and larger, wealthier Mixe towns such as Tlahuitoltepec and Tamazulapam—had taken over Atitlán’s economic system. Known as “coyotes,” these intermediaries pay pasilla growers a pittance and re-sold their products for as much as a 600% increase. He knew about coyotes, but hadn’t realized their pervasiveness.
Beals and anthropologist Etsuko Kuroda, who visited the region in the early 1980s, both documented intermediary intervention. “Some buyers of fruits and flowers pay less than they have to, taking advantage of the ignorance of the Mixe vendors who cannot count well in the national currency,” wrote Kuroda in Under Mt. Zempoaltépetl: Highland Mixe Society and Ritual.
This exploitation continues today. Some coyotes drive into town, take the pasillas, and promise to return with the farmer’s share of the profits. “Since the producers are desperate for some money, any money, they agree,” says Isidro. Then the coyotes never return. Even though the chiles are valuable, there are still few enough coyotes that they don’t outbid each other, and the Ayüükjä’äy, who are often desperate for cash, accept very low prices.
Once Isidro understood the coyote economy, he realized that changing how his town sold chiles was more important than changing how they were grown. “I came up with an idea of selling the pasilla in an organized manner,” he says. But it took a chance encounter, plus a natural disaster, to bring his plan to fruition.
IN 2011, ILIANA DE LA Vega, a Mexican chef of Oaxacan heritage, who lived there for many years, was researching and documenting local ingredients and food. From her years in Oaxaca, she knew a Mixe woman, Lolita, who took her to the Sierra Mixe and acted as her guide and character reference. After the routine interrogation, she met Macedonio López, one of the few pasilla producers who had agreed to work with Isidro. He showed her around the fields, the smoking caves, and the small greenhouse he had put up with Isidro’s help.
Soon enough, Isidro, López, and de la Vega were discussing how farmers were giving up on chiles in favor of crops like coffee—and how they needed to get around the coyotes. De la Vega wanted to help preserve the chile pasilla, and as a chef, she knew people who she believed would like to buy the chile directly.
Months later, Isidro received an email: De la Vega had found several chefs willing to buy the chiles at a fair price. At another meeting in the courtyard outside the school house, more farmers, heartened by the prices the chefs offered, were ready to give pasillas another chance. But they wouldn’t invest in treatments until the pay materialized. That year, the crops were riddled with plagues, and a severe drought destroyed almost 90 percent of production.
López and Isidro, however, had their greenhouses and preventative treatments, and word spread that their families had sold all of their pasillas for 250 pesos a kilogram ($13). This time, it was the pasilla farmers who sought Isidro to ask if he would still teach them about treatments.
IN 2017, DE LA VEGA introduced Isidro and the pasilla farmers to the team of Masienda, a company best known for selling heirloom Mexican corn tortillas, which then bought the whole town’s production of pasillas.
By then, Isidro had formed a cooperative of around 20 producers. They pitched in to buy a communal greenhouse and install an irrigation system, and Isidro shared more advanced techniques, such as seed selection, to ensure that only the best quality chiles made it to the fields. Several farmers even got more land to plant more pasillas. With a smile, Isidro explains that Marciano, who was once his greatest skeptic, now works with the group. He feels confident that his town is now motivated to keep planting pasillas.
Isidro continues to live in Santiago Atitlán with his wife, two children, and parents. He is entrepreneurial, and his agricultural projects have grown to include avocado trees and 200 bee hives. Yet his love for pasillas continues. “This year, we’re going to cultivate pasillas at another three acres of land,” he says. “My family is happy, and when the producers get the earnings they deserve, [that] makes me happy too.”
For a fair price, the farmers of Santiago Atitlán are going back to their roots.
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Article 3
ATHENS, GREECE
Roman Tomb in Zara
The ruins of an ancient Roman tomb hidden in the basement
of a trendy clothing store.There are three Zara stores (a trendy clothing chain) in the Athens city center, and archaeological ruins scattered throughout this ancient city. But there’s only one place where these two wildly disparate attractions intersect.
In the basement of the Zara on Stadiou Street, the ruins of an ancient Roman tomb are on full display for all casual shoppers and savvy visitors to see. The tomb is separated from the retail area by a glass wall, so visitors can get just feet away from the ancient structure for up close and personal viewing. And just inside the front door, the floor consists of reinforced glass so you can look directly down into the lower level for a unique perspective of the ruins.
The store is located in a 19th-century building with an unexpected history. It was originally the residence of the wealthy Greek philanthropist, Ioannis Hadjikyriakos. Completed in 1880, the beautiful neoclassical mansion was, at the time, one of the most impressive buildings in the city. In his will, Hadjikyriakos stated that upon his passing, the building should be converted to a hotel so all in the city and beyond could enjoy his masterpiece.
When the renovation was complete the building opened as the Hôtel d’Egypte. The hotel failed to thrive so it was remodeled and named the Hôtel d’Athènes, where business was not much better. The building survived, but after the Germans invaded Greece in 1941, it was requisitioned first by the Greek Army and then by the occupying Germans. When the Germans retreated in 1944, it reverted to civilian use and served many purposes until it became vacant in the 1980s.
When Greece was chosen to host the 2004 Olympic Games, many infrastructure projects began to prepare the city for the coming onslaught of visitors, including a modernization and extension of the Athens Metro System. While the Red Line was being renovated, ancient artifacts were discovered many places, including in front of the Hadjikyriakos building. Further excavation revealed there was an ancient Roman-era tomb that extended underneath the building’s foundation.
Due to strict Greek laws protecting archaeological sites and artifacts, the renovation plans were modified to both protect the tombs and allow the public to admire them. The new plans called for the tombs to be on open display in the lower level of the building, which is how this ancient gem came to be housed in this most surprising locale inside a modern clothing store.
Know Before You Go
The tomb is on display when the Zara store is open to the public, currently daily from 9 a.m. to 9 p.m. Note that security is present and they are (rightfully) quite aggressive about protecting the tomb, as well as the privacy of visitors to the store.
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Article 2
If you’re taking a stroll in Newfoundland, Canada, you may come across patches of strange, bulbous, bright-orange fruits. These are bakeapples, also known as cloudberries, and one company has taken the beloved Newfoundland fruit and distilled it into a gin. Along with notes of juniper and savory (a local herb), the gin offers the slightly sweet and citrusy flavor of bakeapples.
Each batch of the Newfoundland Distillery Company’s bakeapple gin begins with fruit that’s picked along the island’s Placentia Bay. Distilled in the classic method using copper pot stills, the soft gin also undergoes what co-owner Peter Wilkins calls double-dipping. “Normally, the distillation process removes all color compounds and essential oils, which is why many gins and vodkas are clear and have a clean, almost sterile taste. By double-dipping, we reintroduce some of those oils and colors.”
The result is a gin that retains the slight tint and flavor of bakeapple. When served on the rocks, the light orange gin can appear slightly cloudy, as these oils and compounds cool down. While it might be a little unfamiliar to see a cloudy gin, the spirit still goes down smooth.
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ΦΘΙΝΟΠΩΡΟ ΣΤΗΝ ΛΗΜΝΟ. ΤΑ ΗΦΑΙΣΤΕΙΟΓΕΝΗ ΠΕΤΡΩΜΑΤΑ ΣΤΟ ΦΑΡΑΚΛΟ
Στα βόρεια του νησιού, στο ακρωτήρι Φαλακρό ή Φαρακλό, όπως το λένε οι ντόπιοι, ένα πανέμορφο γεωλογικό φαινόμενο αποκαλύπτει τη γεωλογική ιστορία του νησιού και δημιουργεί ξεχωριστές εικόνες.
Εκατομμύρια χρόνια πριν, καυτή ηφαιστειακή λάβα ξεχύθηκε από τα έγκατα της γης και μόλις ήρθε σε επαφή με το θαλασσινό νερό, πάγωσε…
Αποτέλεσμα να δημιουργηθούν εντυπωσιακά φυσικά γλυπτά που οι ντόπιοι τα ονομάζουν με το, επίσης εντυπωσιακό, όνομα… “φραγκοκέφαλα”. Οι δεκάδες αποχρώσεις του κίτρινου χρώματος της παγωμένης λάβας και οι σφαιροειδείς γεωλογικοί σχηματισμοί, δίπλα στους γραφικούς ορμίσκους της θάλασσας, αξίζουν μία επίσκεψη. ΦΩΤΟ Δημητρα Κασαπογλου
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Article 0
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ΣΤΗΝ ΦΘΙΝΟΠΩΡΙΝΗ ΛΗΜΝΟ. 'ΓΑΛΑΖΙΟ ΛΙΜΑΝΙ'ΣΤΟΝ ΜΟΥΔΡΟ
ΦΘΑΝΟΝΤΑΣ ΣΤΟ ΛΙΜΑΝΙ ΤΟΥ ΜΟΥΔΡΟΥ Η ΠΡΩΤΗ ΤΑΒΕΡΝΑ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΤΟ'ΓΑΛΑΖΙΟ ΛΙΜΑΝΙ'.Η ΜΕΓΑΛΗ ΕΚΠΛΗΞΗ ΗΤΑΝ Η ΚΑΤΑΠΛΗΚΤΙΚΗ ΚΑΚΑΒΙΑ ΠΟΥ ΜΑΣ ΣΕΡΒΙΡΑΝ ΜΕ ΕΝΑΝ ΤΕΡΑΣΤΙΟ ΡΟΦΟ ΚΑΙ ΑΛΛΑ ΜΙΚΡΑ ΨΑΡΙΑ,ΠΑΤΑΤΕΣ ΚΑΡΟΤΑ ΚΛΠ .ΕΞ ΙΣΟΥ ΝΟΣΤΙΜΗ ΗΤΑΝ Η ΜΕΛΙΤΖΑΝΟΣΑΛΑΤΑ ΚΑΙ ΟΤΙ ΑΛΛΟ ΓΕΜΙΣΕ ΤΟ ΤΡΑΠΕΖΙ ΜΑΖΙ ΜΕ ΤΟΝ ΓΛΥΚΟΠΙΟΤΟ ΤΟΠΙΚΟ ΛΕΥΚΟ ΟΙΝΟ.Η ΔΕΥΤΕΡΗ ΕΚΠΛΗΞΗ ΗΤΑΝ ΣΑ ΝΑ ΕΛΕΙΠΕ ΕΝΑ ΜΗΔΕΝΙΚΟ ΑΠΟ ΤΗΝ ΧΡΕΩΣΗ -ΤΟΣΟ ΧΑΜΗΛΗ ΗΤΑΝ.ΦΩΤΟ Δημητρα Κασαπογλου. |
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ΘΕΜΕΛΙΩΘΗΚΕ Ο ΝΕΟΣ ΤΕΡΜΑΤΙΚΟΣ ΣΤΑΘΜΟΣ ΤΟΥ ΑΕΡΟΔΡΟΜΙΟΥ 'ΜΑΚΕΔΟΝΙΑ'
Το μέλλον του αεροδρομίου Θεσσαλονίκης «Μακεδονία» παρουσίασε η Fraport Greece κατά τη διάρκεια της τελετής θεμελίωσης που πραγματοποιήθηκε την Τετάρτη, 19 Σεπτεμβρίου, στον χώρο όπου σε δύο χρόνια από σήμερα θα βρίσκεται ο νέος Τερματικός Σταθμός του αεροδρομίου.
Εκτός από την κατασκευή νέου Τερματικού Σταθμού, συνολικής έκτασης που θα ξεπερνά τα 34.033 τ.μ., η «νέα εποχή» για το αεροδρόμιο «Μακεδονία» περιλαμβάνει την ανακαίνιση του υπάρχοντος τερματικού σταθμού 24.000 τ.μ. καθώς επίσης την κατασκευή νέου πυροσβεστικού σταθμού, αλλά και την αναβάθμιση της μονάδας Βιολογικού Καθαρισμού και τη σύνδεσή της με το δίκτυο της πόλης.
Παράλληλα, θα πραγματοποιηθούν σημαντικά έργα αναβάθμισης όπως: ανακαίνιση του οδοστρώματος στους χώρους προσγείωσης – απογείωσης και στάθμευσης των αεροσκαφών, εγκατάσταση σύγχρονου συστήματος διαχείρισης και ελέγχου αποσκευών. Το έργο αναμένεται να ολοκληρωθεί το πρώτο τρίμηνο του 2021. Μετά από την ολοκλήρωση του μεγάλου κατασκευαστικού έργου η χωρητικότητα και η δυναμικότητα του αεροδρομίου Θεσσαλονίκης θα αυξηθεί σημαντικά, μετατρέποντας το αεροδρόμιο σε μια σύγχρονη πύλη εισόδου για την Θεσσαλονίκη και την ευρύτερη περιοχή της Μακεδονίας, που θα μπορεί να φιλοξενήσει 2, 5 εκατομμύρια επιπλέον επιβάτες ετησίως. Πιο συγκεκριμένα, οι σταθμοί check-in θα αυξηθούν κατά 47%, ενώ τα διπλάσια θα είναι τα σημεία ασφαλείας. Την ίδια στιγμή, οι ιμάντες παραλαβής αποσκευών θα είναι κατά 75% περισσότεροι, με τον συνολικό αριθμό των πυλών του αεροδρομίου να αυξάνεται κατά 50%.
Κατά τη διάρκεια της ομιλίας του, ο Δ/νων Σύμβουλος της εταιρείας, κ. Alexander Zinell, αναφέρθηκε στη σημασία του έργου για τη Θεσσαλονίκη και τη Μακεδονία, αλλά και στον συμβολισμό του για την Ελλάδα: «Η σημερινή μέρα σηματοδοτεί την αυγή μιας νέας εποχής ανάπτυξης για την Ελλάδα. Δεν υπάρχει καταλληλότερο μέρος για να ξεκινήσει αυτή η επόμενη μέρα από αυτόν τον ιστορικό τόπο. Το νέο αεροδρόμιο της Θεσσαλονίκης δεν αποτελεί απλώς μέρος του κατασκευαστικού προγράμματος. 100 εκατ. ευρώ, από τα συνολικά 415 εκατ. ευρώ που θα κοστίσουν τα έργα για την αναβάθμιση των 14 αεροδρομίων, θα διατεθούν εδώ στο αεροδρόμιο “Μακεδονία”. Στόχος μας είναι η πλήρης μεταμόρφωσή του σε έναν σύγχρονο κεντρικό κόμβο για τα νοτιοανατολικά Βαλκάνια». Αξίζει να σημειωθεί ότι στα θεμέλια μπήκε και ένα μεταλλικό κουτί ονομάζομενο ως χρονοκάψουλα που περιείχε: το όραμα της εταιρείας για το αεροδρόμιο, ένα νόμισμα για καλή τύχη, τα σχέδια του αεροδρομίου και σημερινές εφημερίδες.
Την εκδήλωση τίμησαν με την παρουσία τους εκπρόσωποι της κυβέρνησης, πολιτικών κομμάτων, καθώς και εκπρόσωποι της τοπικής αυτοδιοίκησης, των επαγγελματικών φορέων και ενώσεων από τη Θεσσαλονίκη και τη Μακεδονία. Εκ μέρους του μετοχικού σχήματος της Fraport Greece, την εκδήλωση χαιρέτισαν ο Dr. Stefan Schulte, Πρόεδρος της Εκτελεστικής Επιτροπής της Fraport AG και ο κ. Δημήτρης Κοπελούζος, Πρόεδρος του Ομίλου Κοπελούζου. Σύντομο χαιρετισμό απηύθυνε και ο κ. Πέτρος Σουρέτης, Δ/νων Σύμβουλος της Ιntrakat, εταιρείας που έχει αναλάβει την κατασκευή του έργου, καθώς επίσης και ο οικοδεσπότης ο Δ/νων Σύμβουλος της Fraport Greece, κ. Alexander Zinell.
Εκτός από την κατασκευή νέου Τερματικού Σταθμού, συνολικής έκτασης που θα ξεπερνά τα 34.033 τ.μ., η «νέα εποχή» για το αεροδρόμιο «Μακεδονία» περιλαμβάνει την ανακαίνιση του υπάρχοντος τερματικού σταθμού 24.000 τ.μ. καθώς επίσης την κατασκευή νέου πυροσβεστικού σταθμού, αλλά και την αναβάθμιση της μονάδας Βιολογικού Καθαρισμού και τη σύνδεσή της με το δίκτυο της πόλης.
Παράλληλα, θα πραγματοποιηθούν σημαντικά έργα αναβάθμισης όπως: ανακαίνιση του οδοστρώματος στους χώρους προσγείωσης – απογείωσης και στάθμευσης των αεροσκαφών, εγκατάσταση σύγχρονου συστήματος διαχείρισης και ελέγχου αποσκευών. Το έργο αναμένεται να ολοκληρωθεί το πρώτο τρίμηνο του 2021. Μετά από την ολοκλήρωση του μεγάλου κατασκευαστικού έργου η χωρητικότητα και η δυναμικότητα του αεροδρομίου Θεσσαλονίκης θα αυξηθεί σημαντικά, μετατρέποντας το αεροδρόμιο σε μια σύγχρονη πύλη εισόδου για την Θεσσαλονίκη και την ευρύτερη περιοχή της Μακεδονίας, που θα μπορεί να φιλοξενήσει 2, 5 εκατομμύρια επιπλέον επιβάτες ετησίως. Πιο συγκεκριμένα, οι σταθμοί check-in θα αυξηθούν κατά 47%, ενώ τα διπλάσια θα είναι τα σημεία ασφαλείας. Την ίδια στιγμή, οι ιμάντες παραλαβής αποσκευών θα είναι κατά 75% περισσότεροι, με τον συνολικό αριθμό των πυλών του αεροδρομίου να αυξάνεται κατά 50%.
Κατά τη διάρκεια της ομιλίας του, ο Δ/νων Σύμβουλος της εταιρείας, κ. Alexander Zinell, αναφέρθηκε στη σημασία του έργου για τη Θεσσαλονίκη και τη Μακεδονία, αλλά και στον συμβολισμό του για την Ελλάδα: «Η σημερινή μέρα σηματοδοτεί την αυγή μιας νέας εποχής ανάπτυξης για την Ελλάδα. Δεν υπάρχει καταλληλότερο μέρος για να ξεκινήσει αυτή η επόμενη μέρα από αυτόν τον ιστορικό τόπο. Το νέο αεροδρόμιο της Θεσσαλονίκης δεν αποτελεί απλώς μέρος του κατασκευαστικού προγράμματος. 100 εκατ. ευρώ, από τα συνολικά 415 εκατ. ευρώ που θα κοστίσουν τα έργα για την αναβάθμιση των 14 αεροδρομίων, θα διατεθούν εδώ στο αεροδρόμιο “Μακεδονία”. Στόχος μας είναι η πλήρης μεταμόρφωσή του σε έναν σύγχρονο κεντρικό κόμβο για τα νοτιοανατολικά Βαλκάνια». Αξίζει να σημειωθεί ότι στα θεμέλια μπήκε και ένα μεταλλικό κουτί ονομάζομενο ως χρονοκάψουλα που περιείχε: το όραμα της εταιρείας για το αεροδρόμιο, ένα νόμισμα για καλή τύχη, τα σχέδια του αεροδρομίου και σημερινές εφημερίδες.
Την εκδήλωση τίμησαν με την παρουσία τους εκπρόσωποι της κυβέρνησης, πολιτικών κομμάτων, καθώς και εκπρόσωποι της τοπικής αυτοδιοίκησης, των επαγγελματικών φορέων και ενώσεων από τη Θεσσαλονίκη και τη Μακεδονία. Εκ μέρους του μετοχικού σχήματος της Fraport Greece, την εκδήλωση χαιρέτισαν ο Dr. Stefan Schulte, Πρόεδρος της Εκτελεστικής Επιτροπής της Fraport AG και ο κ. Δημήτρης Κοπελούζος, Πρόεδρος του Ομίλου Κοπελούζου. Σύντομο χαιρετισμό απηύθυνε και ο κ. Πέτρος Σουρέτης, Δ/νων Σύμβουλος της Ιntrakat, εταιρείας που έχει αναλάβει την κατασκευή του έργου, καθώς επίσης και ο οικοδεσπότης ο Δ/νων Σύμβουλος της Fraport Greece, κ. Alexander Zinell.
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ΠΡΟΒΟΛΗ ΤΑΙΝΙΑΣ ΣΤΗΝ ΕΣΗΕΜΘ
PRESS_taratsa02: Cine Noir σε κλειστή αίθουσα, αναβάλλεται η βραδιά τζαζ
Με Cine Noir στην αίθουσα εκδηλώσεων της ΕΣΗΕΜ-Θ, στον 3ο όροφο, ολοκληρώνεται ο φθινοπωρινός κύκλος εκδηλώσεων PRESS_taratsa02.
Η προγραμματισμένη για την Πέμπτη 27/9/2018 βραδιά τζαζ αναβάλλεται λόγω των καιρικών συνθηκών που προβλέπονται.
Σημερα, Τετάρτη 26/9/2018 στις 21.00, θα προβληθεί η ταινία The Long Goodbye 1973, σκηνοθεσία: Ρόμπερτ Όλτμαν.
Ως αφετηρία του νέο νουάρ είθισται να λογίζεται το εμβληματικό «Chinatown» (1974) του Ρόμαν Πολάνσκι, αλλά αν σκαλίσουμε το ζήτημα λίγο πιο προσεκτικά,
θα δούμε ότι η αρχή έγινε λίγο νωρίτερα. To «The Long Goodbye», βασισμένο στο ομότιτλο βιβλίο του Ρέιμοντ Τσάντλερ, είναι όντως ένας μακρόσυρτος κι επώδυνος
αποχαιρετισμός απέναντι σε κάθε αθωότητα και αισιοδοξία των 60s.
ΕΙΣΟΔΟΣ: 5 € (με μπίρα ή κρασί)
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Article 20
he solved the 'single most
important open problem' in
math after 160 years
- The Riemann Hypothesis is one of seven math problems that can win you $1 million from the Clay Mathematics Institute if you can solve it.
- British mathematician Sir Michael Atiyah claimed on Monday that he solved the 160-year-old problem.
- Atiyah has already won the the Fields Medal and the Abel Prize in his career.
- His solution will need to be peer-reviewed and checked before he can take his prize.
One of the world's most renowned mathematicians showed how he solved the 160-year-old Riemann hypothesis at a lecture on Monday — and he will be awarded $1 million if his solution is confirmed.
Sir Michael Atiyah, who has won the two biggest prizes in mathematics — the Fields Medal and Abel Prize — took the stage at the Heidelberg Laureate Forum in Germany on Monday to present his work.
To solve the hypothesis you need to find a way to predict the occurrence of every prime number, even though primes have historically been regarded as randomly distributed.
Aityah's solution will need to be checked by other mathematicians and then published before it is fully accepted and he can claim the prize from the Clay Mathematics Institute of Cambridge.
The Riemann hypothesis is one of seven unsolved "Millennium Prizes" from CMI, each worth $1 million to the person who solves it.
What is the Riemann hypothesis, and how did Atiyah solve it?
The Riemann hypothesis was first posited by Bernhard Riemann in 1859.
It attempts to answer an old question about prime numbers (numbers that divide only by themselves and 1.) The hypothesis states that the distribution of primes is not random, but might follow a pattern described by an equation called the Riemann zeta function. 10,000,000,000,000 prime numbers have been checked and are consistent with the equation, but there is no proof that allprimes follow the pattern.
So, the $1 million prize goes to someone who can prove that the equation applies to all prime numbers. And Atiyah, using a "radically new approach" to the hypothesis, according to hisexplanation of his solution, thinks he has done it.
Markus Pössel, an astrophysicist in Heidelberg, Germany, live-tweeted Atiyah's lecture and helped clarify the mathematician's process:
Atiyah said in the lecture that he used work from John von Neumann and Friedrich Hirzebruch to help him on his way to solving the problem.
Mathematician Keith Devlin wrote in 1998: "Ask any professional mathematician what the single most important open problem in the entire field is, and you are almost certain to receive the answer 'the Riemann hypothesis.'"
Atiyah has also served as president of the London Mathematical Society, the Royal Society, and the Royal Society of Edinburgh.
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Article 19
16 unexpected ingredients you should be putting in your eggs
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Article 18
The 25 coolest neighborhoods on the planet in 2018
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26 ΣΕΠΤΕΜΒΡΙΟΥ
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